The Conservative government is racing at a hare’s pace to pass some key legislation – a deliberate bid to settle the “tough stuff” early in to the four-year mandate, according to experts.
From the omnibus crime bill, to wheat board reform, repealing the gun registry and adding seats to the House of Commons, Prime Minister Stephen Harper has adopted a quick tempo to tabling bills. The government is also moving fast to cross other campaign promises off the checklist, from building a memorial to Holocaust victims to forging new international trade ties.
University of Toronto Prof. Sandford Borins said Harper is delivering to his base on the social and cultural issues he wasn’t able to carry through without the majority.
He has the benefit of rewarding supporters – who have donated, voted and volunteered for the party – while capitalizing on the scattered opposition that is currently “in disarray.”
Borins said the fragile state of the economy is likely pushing Harper to deliver on the promises to core loyalists, which he may need to soften the blow if he needs to move to the centre on other fiscal issues.
“The state of the global economy is precarious, and the government’s attention may end up getting pulled away from conservative social policy issues to pragmatic, centrist economic policy issues – they may have to do an Economic Action Plan Two,” he told iPolitics. “At this point, the base needs to be fed.”
After winning majority mandates, governments tend to install marquee programs and initiatives early to allow to demonstrate they are delivering benefits to the designated recipients, Borins said. Moving fast on the tricky and contentious issues like wheat board reform, anti-crime measures and scrapping the long gun registry also has the benefit of allowing Canadians who oppose the measures to forgive or forget by the time of the next election rolls around in 2015.
“The usual maxim about political timing, is you do the tough stuff in the first year or two of your mandate,” he said.
While there is always the risk the government well could run dry of both fresh ideas and dollars to implement them, Borins said. He expects the Conservatives will move on issues such as northern sovereignty, immigration policy and initiatives to support volunteerism, while leaving room to react to the unplanned or unexpected.
“There will be enough variety and enough surprises in the economic and geopolitical world that they’ll be busy, if only responding to surprises,” he said.
Political strategist Tim Powers, VP communications for Summa Strategies, said what appears to be an accelerated tempo is actually the execution of plans in the works for several years. He called the swift tabling and passage of legislation “housecleaning.”
“I don’t think you start the clock May 2nd. I think you start the clock when Stephen Harper first became leader and prime minister, and some would say after six years it’s time to get some of this stuff passed,” Powers said.
While there’s a risk the campaign agenda could be completed early, he said the greater risk would be getting too slow off the mark.
“I think there would be more criticism if he were ragging a puck,” Powers said. “The challenge for any government is to constantly keep looking forward and be ready for any circumstances and bring forward different pieces of legislation where necessary. That’s next iteration of this government — you’ve kept your promises in the areas where you said you would, now what’s next? I think we’ll see more of that coming in the new year with the budget.”
While implementing new programs and initiatives could prove challenging during deficit-cutting times, Powers said there are other policies the government can focus on if the campaign-promise checklist is cleared early, such as regulatory changes for business, productivity generation, free trade and demography that could impact areas such as immigration policy.
He expects that spending will be “smart” and generate some kind of return, not spending for spending sake.
“Arguably from the agenda perspective, the choices they make about spending may be more impactful than the ones that they make about cutting, because that will give you a glimpse into the mind where the prime minister wants to go in terms of shaping his legacy going forward,” he said. “I think he’s in that mindset. I think he recognizes that Conservative prime ministers, perhaps more than Liberal prime ministers, get judged on how they manage the economy and the things they do in that regard, because that is often their mantra when they’re seeking power.”
According to University of Ottawa Prof. Robert Asselin it makes sense strategically to push forward the controversial issues at start of the mandate, but it may not be in the best interest of Canadians. Limiting debate limits scrutiny of legislation that many believe is not well thought out, he said.
“It corresponds to his (Harper’s) style — when he says he’ll do something he does it. It works for him, politically, to do that,” Asselin said. “I think people realize it’s a government driven by its ideology, and one should not mix expediency with whether it’s good public policy.”
Asselin said the economic crisis feeds Harper’s narrative to reduce the role and size of government, but believes he will need to come up with fresh ideas to keep the electorate engaged and supportive.
“The economy by itself is a theme that will expire at some point. He’s been running on that for three or four years and at some point he’ll have to move to something else because obviously there’s a limit to what government can do in this crisis,” he said.
Origin
Source: iPolitico
From the omnibus crime bill, to wheat board reform, repealing the gun registry and adding seats to the House of Commons, Prime Minister Stephen Harper has adopted a quick tempo to tabling bills. The government is also moving fast to cross other campaign promises off the checklist, from building a memorial to Holocaust victims to forging new international trade ties.
University of Toronto Prof. Sandford Borins said Harper is delivering to his base on the social and cultural issues he wasn’t able to carry through without the majority.
He has the benefit of rewarding supporters – who have donated, voted and volunteered for the party – while capitalizing on the scattered opposition that is currently “in disarray.”
Borins said the fragile state of the economy is likely pushing Harper to deliver on the promises to core loyalists, which he may need to soften the blow if he needs to move to the centre on other fiscal issues.
“The state of the global economy is precarious, and the government’s attention may end up getting pulled away from conservative social policy issues to pragmatic, centrist economic policy issues – they may have to do an Economic Action Plan Two,” he told iPolitics. “At this point, the base needs to be fed.”
After winning majority mandates, governments tend to install marquee programs and initiatives early to allow to demonstrate they are delivering benefits to the designated recipients, Borins said. Moving fast on the tricky and contentious issues like wheat board reform, anti-crime measures and scrapping the long gun registry also has the benefit of allowing Canadians who oppose the measures to forgive or forget by the time of the next election rolls around in 2015.
“The usual maxim about political timing, is you do the tough stuff in the first year or two of your mandate,” he said.
While there is always the risk the government well could run dry of both fresh ideas and dollars to implement them, Borins said. He expects the Conservatives will move on issues such as northern sovereignty, immigration policy and initiatives to support volunteerism, while leaving room to react to the unplanned or unexpected.
“There will be enough variety and enough surprises in the economic and geopolitical world that they’ll be busy, if only responding to surprises,” he said.
Political strategist Tim Powers, VP communications for Summa Strategies, said what appears to be an accelerated tempo is actually the execution of plans in the works for several years. He called the swift tabling and passage of legislation “housecleaning.”
“I don’t think you start the clock May 2nd. I think you start the clock when Stephen Harper first became leader and prime minister, and some would say after six years it’s time to get some of this stuff passed,” Powers said.
While there’s a risk the campaign agenda could be completed early, he said the greater risk would be getting too slow off the mark.
“I think there would be more criticism if he were ragging a puck,” Powers said. “The challenge for any government is to constantly keep looking forward and be ready for any circumstances and bring forward different pieces of legislation where necessary. That’s next iteration of this government — you’ve kept your promises in the areas where you said you would, now what’s next? I think we’ll see more of that coming in the new year with the budget.”
While implementing new programs and initiatives could prove challenging during deficit-cutting times, Powers said there are other policies the government can focus on if the campaign-promise checklist is cleared early, such as regulatory changes for business, productivity generation, free trade and demography that could impact areas such as immigration policy.
He expects that spending will be “smart” and generate some kind of return, not spending for spending sake.
“Arguably from the agenda perspective, the choices they make about spending may be more impactful than the ones that they make about cutting, because that will give you a glimpse into the mind where the prime minister wants to go in terms of shaping his legacy going forward,” he said. “I think he’s in that mindset. I think he recognizes that Conservative prime ministers, perhaps more than Liberal prime ministers, get judged on how they manage the economy and the things they do in that regard, because that is often their mantra when they’re seeking power.”
According to University of Ottawa Prof. Robert Asselin it makes sense strategically to push forward the controversial issues at start of the mandate, but it may not be in the best interest of Canadians. Limiting debate limits scrutiny of legislation that many believe is not well thought out, he said.
“It corresponds to his (Harper’s) style — when he says he’ll do something he does it. It works for him, politically, to do that,” Asselin said. “I think people realize it’s a government driven by its ideology, and one should not mix expediency with whether it’s good public policy.”
Asselin said the economic crisis feeds Harper’s narrative to reduce the role and size of government, but believes he will need to come up with fresh ideas to keep the electorate engaged and supportive.
“The economy by itself is a theme that will expire at some point. He’s been running on that for three or four years and at some point he’ll have to move to something else because obviously there’s a limit to what government can do in this crisis,” he said.
Origin
Source: iPolitico
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