Democracy Gone Astray

Democracy, being a human construct, needs to be thought of as directionality rather than an object. As such, to understand it requires not so much a description of existing structures and/or other related phenomena but a declaration of intentionality.
This blog aims at creating labeled lists of published infringements of such intentionality, of points in time where democracy strays from its intended directionality. In addition to outright infringements, this blog also collects important contemporary information and/or discussions that impact our socio-political landscape.

All the posts here were published in the electronic media – main-stream as well as fringe, and maintain links to the original texts.

[NOTE: Due to changes I haven't caught on time in the blogging software, all of the 'Original Article' links were nullified between September 11, 2012 and December 11, 2012. My apologies.]

Saturday, December 03, 2011

Aboriginal Incarceration: Black Mark for Canada


Abhorrent rates of aboriginal imprisonment are linked, inextricably, to the social and economic position of First Nations communities.


In April, Assembly of First Nations National Chief Shawn Atleo addressed the lack of discussion surrounding First Nations' issues during the 2011 Canadian federal election, suggesting that First Nations children are more likely to go to jail than to graduate from high school. The connection between school and prison is not accidental: Failure to graduate from high school and failure to make the transition from school to work are known to be linked with crime.


The Mark analyzes Assembly Chief Atleo's response to the violent death of a young child on a native reserve. Read more here.


More generally, the problems prevalent in aboriginal communities that Atleo pointed out as being ignored in the recent federal election – low high-school completion rates, high infant-mortality rates, and extreme poverty – have been with us for quite some time. Forty-three years ago, an unsuccessful Progressive Conservative candidate for prime minister, Robert Stanfield, made the observation in his election platform that:
One of the greatest blots on Canada’s reputation for fairness and equity is the condition of the Indians, Métis, and Eskimos who are the descendants of the original inhabitants of this land. It is a problem that should touch the conscience of all Canadians … In 1966, 40 per cent of Canadian Indians were living on relief … Indians are hospitalized twice as often as other Canadians. Their mortality rate is higher. Among pre-school children the mortality rate is eight times the national average.
This is not a pretty picture. Unfortunately, the picture hasn’t changed much.

Given what we know about the structural causes of crime, and the social and economic position of aboriginal people in Canadian society, it is not surprising that aboriginal people are much more likely to be involved – as victims and offenders – in crime, especially serious, violent crime. There is almost a perfect correlation between the factors associated with crime and the description of the status of most aboriginal people in Canadian society.

According to Statistics Canada, the likelihood of being a homicide victim is six times higher for aboriginal Canadians than for non-aboriginal Canadians. Given that aboriginal people are more likely to be killed by other aboriginal people, the rate of being named as a suspect in a homicide investigation is seven times higher for aboriginal people than for non-aboriginal people. Likewise, aboriginal people are more than three times more likely than non-aboriginal people to report having been a victim of physical or sexual violence. Given that aboriginal people are much less likely than non-aboriginal people to be victimized by strangers, it seems likely that most of the offenders in these violent incidents involving aboriginal victims are themselves aboriginal people.


Canada's First Nations ought to have more of a stake in harnessing natural resources. Read Chief Atleo's column here.


If serious, violent offences (such as homicide, attempted murder, assault, and robbery) can be expected to result in prison sentences, it is hardly surprising that Aboriginal people are overrepresented in Canada’s prisons. Aboriginal people account for 21 per cent of those sentenced to provincial prisons, and 18 per cent of those sentenced to federal penitentiaries – rates that are about four to five times what one would expect based on recent estimates that aboriginal people constitute about four per cent of the Canadian population. They are also overrepresented among those receiving certain punishments other than prison: Sixteen per cent of all those admitted to probation are aboriginal people. Finally, 17 per cent of those currently serving sentences for murder are aboriginal people.

In 1996, in an attempt to reduce the use of imprisonment, Parliament amended the Criminal Code to instruct judges that, in handing down sentences, “All available sanctions other than imprisonment that are reasonable in the circumstances should be considered for all offenders, with particular attention to the circumstances of aboriginal offenders.” There is no clear evidence that this had any measurable impact on the sentencing of aboriginal offenders, in part because the factors that generally result in non-custodial sentences – stable housing, friends without criminal records, stable jobs, access to treatment programs, etc. – are less likely to be available to aboriginal Canadians. In a convoluted way, it would almost be better if the problem were as simple as judges discriminating against aboriginal people during sentencing, because then it could be addressed by working with one easily defined problem group – judges. Unfortunately, it is not that simple.

It’s even more concerning to look at what happens to aboriginal people while they are in prison. This is not a simple result of the Correctional Service of Canada (CSC) hiding or ignoring the problem of overrepresentation, however. There are many special programs in the CSC for aboriginal people, including eight healing lodges that the CSC has initiated, which are run in partnership with aboriginal communities. Nevertheless, aboriginal people are less likely to be granted parole than non-aboriginal people. For this reason, among others, aboriginal offenders (both men and women) under the CSC’s control are more likely to be in custody (as compared to being supervised in the community) than are non-aboriginal offenders.

Once again, it is easy to suggest that this difference is due to discrimination on the part of the Parole Board of Canada. But, as with sentencing, it is unlikely to be that simple. Factors that may be taken into account at a parole hearing – such as the estimated likelihood of reoffending, alcohol or drug addiction, the stability of one’s household, whether the household or immediate community to which an offender is likely to return contains people with addictions or criminal records, and whether the offender has a reasonable likelihood of getting a job when released – almost certainly disadvantage aboriginal applicants for parole. Thus, it may be inevitable that aboriginal people, and other disadvantaged or marginalized groups, will be more likely to be sent to prison, and that, under the current approach to reintegrating prisoners into society, they will find it harder to be released early in their sentences.



The federal government and First Nations communities recommit to promoting education. Read more here.



All of this brings us back to what Atleo was talking about. Beginning in the 17th century, and for centuries after that, white visitors invariably described the Ojibwa communities in northwestern Ontario as peaceful, saying that they did not show anger or aggression toward one another. More recently, the Ojibwas’ descendants, living very different lives in very different communities in northwestern Ontario, are likely to experience high rates of violent crime and high incarceration rates. Unfortunately, there is no way to return to that earlier, peaceful era.

The problems that Atleo mentioned – poverty, ill health, and failure to complete high school, on the one hand; and high crime and imprisonment rates, on the other – are inextricably linked. It is unlikely that the latter will be alleviated until we figure out how to address the former.

Origin
Source: the Mark 

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