There is no shortage of columnists who label Stephen Harper a bully, a control freak, even dictator. So how does this explain Harper caring so deeply about an issue on which he is going outside his comfort zone. I am talking about Attawapiskat.
Every Canadian prime minister has attempted to meet the needs of Aboriginals, but none have succeeded on the fundamentals. Diefenbaker gave Natives the right to vote, appointed the first Native to the Senate, and proudly wore the ceremonial Indian headdress. But for most governments it has been two steps back for every step forward.
Rather than simply respond to the headlines with a short-term housing fix in Attawapiskat, Harper has boldly recognized the human disaster for what it is. He doesn’t want to repair homes on a single Reserve; he wants real solutions to the problems that date back to 1534 when Jacques Cartier met Aboriginal people on the north side of Chaleur Bay in the Gulf of St. Lawrence.
While most politicians are careful not to raise hope and expectations, Harper has raised the bar by agreeing to attend what he called a historic Crown-First Nations Gathering on January 24. Assembly of First Nations President Shawn Atleo, a delegation of First Nation Chiefs and Harper will gathering in full public view as they discuss how to improve the quality of life and long-term economic prosperity of Canada’s Aboriginal peoples.
Placing himself on the firing line does not fit into the playbook that most members of the Parliamentary Press Gallery believe Harper has been following. He does not convene first minister’s meetings with provincial premiers. He does not attend open town hall meetings. He resists walkabouts where he might encounter a citizen’s angry outburst (Remember Solange Denis saying “goodbye Charlie Brown” to Brian Mulroney over his budget proposal to partially de-index old age pensions).
In the 24-7 news cycle and its incessant replay of gotcha-moments, it’s hard to blame Harper for holding to a tight script. Rather than risk a fiery encounter, Harper prefers stage-managed events.
So why change course and agree to a high-stakes meeting with Aboriginal leaders? Could it be that this is the social issue that takes Harper to unfamiliar places?
Remember that Harper surprised us with his sensitivity when apologizing to Natives in the House of Commons for the role the Canadian government played in the residential schools crisis. His voice uncharacteristically cracked when he said, “We now recognize that, in separating children from their families, we undermined the ability of many to adequately parent their own children and sowed the seeds for generations to follow.”
What Harper saw in Attawapiskat was more than a mismanagement of funds; he saw a national disgrace. His instincts for command and control that have won him three successive elections were abandoned when he agreed to the interactive January gathering.
Native leaders are taking Harper’s opening as sincere. AFN president, Shawn Atleo, said the upcoming meeting will be a chance to “reset the relationship between First Nations and the federal Crown.” Atleo is looking for ways to “unleash the potential of our young people.” Likewise, Harper said he wants to talk about opportunities as much as solving immediate problems.
While Canada might look generous in providing $90 million to Attawapiskat since 2006, that represents about $10,000 per resident per year to cover a broad range of costs. Compare this with the federal transfer payments to Nunavut, which for 2010 worked out to about $36,352 per capita. Despite funding increases over the years, the conditions on some native reserves make parts of Canada look third world.
Perhaps it will take an economist prime minister to put in place the incentives required to inspire the next generation of Natives to achieve social and economic independence. Indeed many economists will tell you that Aboriginals are perhaps the greatest untapped natural resource in Canada today. There is no shortage of ideas for those with the courage and ambition to take a risk by changing the status quo.
Let’s hope that Harper has what it takes to work out a plan with the First Nations, thereby avoiding a Royal Commission where problems are set-aside for the next generation to fix. And let’s hope that the solution is not just more money, but a plan that links investments with positive outcomes and an expectation for sustainable results.
Success on the Native file has been elusive, but such a challenge is the stuff that prime ministerial legacies are made of. It’s not evident that Harper thinks much about his legacy, although success on this file could take Harper from the middle of the pack in prime ministerial rankings to the top tier.
The status quo is a national disgrace and we need to get serious about a solution. The odds are stacked against a breakthrough, which is all the more reason we should admire the willingness of Native leaders and the prime minister for going outside of their respective comfort zones to take a risk.
Origin
Source: iPolitico
Every Canadian prime minister has attempted to meet the needs of Aboriginals, but none have succeeded on the fundamentals. Diefenbaker gave Natives the right to vote, appointed the first Native to the Senate, and proudly wore the ceremonial Indian headdress. But for most governments it has been two steps back for every step forward.
Rather than simply respond to the headlines with a short-term housing fix in Attawapiskat, Harper has boldly recognized the human disaster for what it is. He doesn’t want to repair homes on a single Reserve; he wants real solutions to the problems that date back to 1534 when Jacques Cartier met Aboriginal people on the north side of Chaleur Bay in the Gulf of St. Lawrence.
While most politicians are careful not to raise hope and expectations, Harper has raised the bar by agreeing to attend what he called a historic Crown-First Nations Gathering on January 24. Assembly of First Nations President Shawn Atleo, a delegation of First Nation Chiefs and Harper will gathering in full public view as they discuss how to improve the quality of life and long-term economic prosperity of Canada’s Aboriginal peoples.
Placing himself on the firing line does not fit into the playbook that most members of the Parliamentary Press Gallery believe Harper has been following. He does not convene first minister’s meetings with provincial premiers. He does not attend open town hall meetings. He resists walkabouts where he might encounter a citizen’s angry outburst (Remember Solange Denis saying “goodbye Charlie Brown” to Brian Mulroney over his budget proposal to partially de-index old age pensions).
In the 24-7 news cycle and its incessant replay of gotcha-moments, it’s hard to blame Harper for holding to a tight script. Rather than risk a fiery encounter, Harper prefers stage-managed events.
So why change course and agree to a high-stakes meeting with Aboriginal leaders? Could it be that this is the social issue that takes Harper to unfamiliar places?
Remember that Harper surprised us with his sensitivity when apologizing to Natives in the House of Commons for the role the Canadian government played in the residential schools crisis. His voice uncharacteristically cracked when he said, “We now recognize that, in separating children from their families, we undermined the ability of many to adequately parent their own children and sowed the seeds for generations to follow.”
What Harper saw in Attawapiskat was more than a mismanagement of funds; he saw a national disgrace. His instincts for command and control that have won him three successive elections were abandoned when he agreed to the interactive January gathering.
Native leaders are taking Harper’s opening as sincere. AFN president, Shawn Atleo, said the upcoming meeting will be a chance to “reset the relationship between First Nations and the federal Crown.” Atleo is looking for ways to “unleash the potential of our young people.” Likewise, Harper said he wants to talk about opportunities as much as solving immediate problems.
While Canada might look generous in providing $90 million to Attawapiskat since 2006, that represents about $10,000 per resident per year to cover a broad range of costs. Compare this with the federal transfer payments to Nunavut, which for 2010 worked out to about $36,352 per capita. Despite funding increases over the years, the conditions on some native reserves make parts of Canada look third world.
Perhaps it will take an economist prime minister to put in place the incentives required to inspire the next generation of Natives to achieve social and economic independence. Indeed many economists will tell you that Aboriginals are perhaps the greatest untapped natural resource in Canada today. There is no shortage of ideas for those with the courage and ambition to take a risk by changing the status quo.
Let’s hope that Harper has what it takes to work out a plan with the First Nations, thereby avoiding a Royal Commission where problems are set-aside for the next generation to fix. And let’s hope that the solution is not just more money, but a plan that links investments with positive outcomes and an expectation for sustainable results.
Success on the Native file has been elusive, but such a challenge is the stuff that prime ministerial legacies are made of. It’s not evident that Harper thinks much about his legacy, although success on this file could take Harper from the middle of the pack in prime ministerial rankings to the top tier.
The status quo is a national disgrace and we need to get serious about a solution. The odds are stacked against a breakthrough, which is all the more reason we should admire the willingness of Native leaders and the prime minister for going outside of their respective comfort zones to take a risk.
Origin
Source: iPolitico
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