Prime Minister Stephen Harper announced further changes would be made to Canada's immigration system at the 2012 World Economic Forum in Davos, Switzerland.
The prime minister's speech highlighted the growing concern of the impact that Canada's aging population will have on the nation's economic stability. He expressed its potential to undermine the nation's largely prosperous and stable economic position by threatening social security programs and the creation of further labour shortages.
He's right about the aging population, which is expected to double to 9.3 million by 2030. And he's right about the challenges to Canada's long-term stability, as the Old Age Security system will increase from $36.5 billion in 2010 to $108 billion by 2030.
But in terms of the immigration plan, over the last few years the changes to Canada's system have been dizzying, and the system is complex and does not lend itself to easy answers.
Immigration Minister Jason Kenney has expressed a need to prioritize English and French language skills, proactive linking of employers in Canada to prospective immigrants abroad, and to focus on trades people to fill labour shortages. These priorities are laudable in a system in need of change and by a minister and a department who have not shied away from difficult challenges.
The approach, however, has been to reduce intake and process recent applications at a higher pace than those remaining in the backlog. Since February 2008, there has been a severe restriction on skilled worker applicants, and in June 2011 the entrepreneur class was suspended, and an annual application cap of 700 was placed on investor class applications. In November 2011, parental sponsorships received a two-year moratorium.
Some of these policy decisions may have to be revisited in a wholesome review of the overall vision moving forward. Here is why.
Canada is in a recession, so capping investor class applications, allowing thousands of backlogged applicants to languish for years and not reintroducing a new entrepreneur category are difficult to understand.
Millions of dollars in potential economic infusion stifled although these immigrants have the ability to support our economy, build our industries, and will in part carry the burden of our aging population.
The government's decision to focus on domestic demand is sound and will contribute to the success of those who immigrate to Canada—but the focus cannot be overly narrow. Canada not only needs skilled workers through provincial nominees and work permits, but small business owners and investors. Further still, immigrants need not only employment, but their families and settlement assistance.
For all classes of immigrants, integration into Canadian communities is vital. This requires settlement agencies, family reunification, and also addressing the discrimination that remains within the workforce. This goes beyond ensuring that they have employment opportunities.
For many immigrants, the ability to sponsor one's family to Canada is equally as important to their paycheque when gauging their establishment and satisfaction. This is particularly true outside of our largest cities.
Yet in the face of a shrinking family class—another policy decision—immigrants who arrived in Canada with the expectation of sponsoring family members face a growing uncertainty as to what the family class will look like in a few years.
Another issue is funding for settlement agencies; while up since 2005, the 2011-2012 budget is $53 million less than the year before, despite a renewed commitment towards immigration and integration.
These agencies have long existed to help newcomers establish themselves—studies have shown that the employment sector remains a place of discrimination, and agencies help new immigrants with these challenges. They also help parents find schools for their children, and find family doctors, among many other roles.
Thus, some of the changes seem at odds and difficult to reconcile. As a whole, fast and furious reform seems to be outpacing an overall cohesive vision moving forward.
Are caps on other sponsorships, humanitarian and compassionate applications, and refugee admissions far behind? Is there a plan afoot to sanitize the system of discretionary applications to the greatest extent possible with an increased emphasis on dollars and cents?
In fairness, it may be too early to assess the Harper government's end game. But in the end, immigration and refugee processing must continue to strive for that elusive balance between economics and social policy.
Why? Because officially, applicants may be assessed primarily as economic units, but privately they are people who need love, support, and a fair chance to thrive in a country with a forward-looking national immigration and integration plan.
Original Article
Source: embassymag
Author: Mario D. Bellissimo
The prime minister's speech highlighted the growing concern of the impact that Canada's aging population will have on the nation's economic stability. He expressed its potential to undermine the nation's largely prosperous and stable economic position by threatening social security programs and the creation of further labour shortages.
He's right about the aging population, which is expected to double to 9.3 million by 2030. And he's right about the challenges to Canada's long-term stability, as the Old Age Security system will increase from $36.5 billion in 2010 to $108 billion by 2030.
But in terms of the immigration plan, over the last few years the changes to Canada's system have been dizzying, and the system is complex and does not lend itself to easy answers.
Immigration Minister Jason Kenney has expressed a need to prioritize English and French language skills, proactive linking of employers in Canada to prospective immigrants abroad, and to focus on trades people to fill labour shortages. These priorities are laudable in a system in need of change and by a minister and a department who have not shied away from difficult challenges.
The approach, however, has been to reduce intake and process recent applications at a higher pace than those remaining in the backlog. Since February 2008, there has been a severe restriction on skilled worker applicants, and in June 2011 the entrepreneur class was suspended, and an annual application cap of 700 was placed on investor class applications. In November 2011, parental sponsorships received a two-year moratorium.
Some of these policy decisions may have to be revisited in a wholesome review of the overall vision moving forward. Here is why.
Canada is in a recession, so capping investor class applications, allowing thousands of backlogged applicants to languish for years and not reintroducing a new entrepreneur category are difficult to understand.
Millions of dollars in potential economic infusion stifled although these immigrants have the ability to support our economy, build our industries, and will in part carry the burden of our aging population.
The government's decision to focus on domestic demand is sound and will contribute to the success of those who immigrate to Canada—but the focus cannot be overly narrow. Canada not only needs skilled workers through provincial nominees and work permits, but small business owners and investors. Further still, immigrants need not only employment, but their families and settlement assistance.
For all classes of immigrants, integration into Canadian communities is vital. This requires settlement agencies, family reunification, and also addressing the discrimination that remains within the workforce. This goes beyond ensuring that they have employment opportunities.
For many immigrants, the ability to sponsor one's family to Canada is equally as important to their paycheque when gauging their establishment and satisfaction. This is particularly true outside of our largest cities.
Yet in the face of a shrinking family class—another policy decision—immigrants who arrived in Canada with the expectation of sponsoring family members face a growing uncertainty as to what the family class will look like in a few years.
Another issue is funding for settlement agencies; while up since 2005, the 2011-2012 budget is $53 million less than the year before, despite a renewed commitment towards immigration and integration.
These agencies have long existed to help newcomers establish themselves—studies have shown that the employment sector remains a place of discrimination, and agencies help new immigrants with these challenges. They also help parents find schools for their children, and find family doctors, among many other roles.
Thus, some of the changes seem at odds and difficult to reconcile. As a whole, fast and furious reform seems to be outpacing an overall cohesive vision moving forward.
Are caps on other sponsorships, humanitarian and compassionate applications, and refugee admissions far behind? Is there a plan afoot to sanitize the system of discretionary applications to the greatest extent possible with an increased emphasis on dollars and cents?
In fairness, it may be too early to assess the Harper government's end game. But in the end, immigration and refugee processing must continue to strive for that elusive balance between economics and social policy.
Why? Because officially, applicants may be assessed primarily as economic units, but privately they are people who need love, support, and a fair chance to thrive in a country with a forward-looking national immigration and integration plan.
Original Article
Source: embassymag
Author: Mario D. Bellissimo
No comments:
Post a Comment