Fifteen years after Hong Kong slipped from Britain’s aging colonial grasp into the embrace of China, the crowded territory that was to be a signature example of Chinese forbearance is awash in political tension.
Despite lavish pomp and ceremony, anniversary celebrations of the July 1 handover were marred by numerous reminders that the people of Hong Kong are increasingly edgy over relations with their mainland Chinese overseers.
The unease is accompanied by an upswing of nostalgia for the days of relatively benign British rule, when capitalism and human rights were wide open, before the colony became a special region of the People’s Republic of China.
A recent opinion poll by the University of Hong Kong found public mistrust of the central government in Beijing at its highest level since the Union Jack came down and the five-starred Chinese flag went up in 1997.
On Sunday, shortly after President Hu Jintao headed home, more than 100,000 citizens underscored surging resistance to the status quo with a massive march through sweltering streets to protest against corruption, lack of democracy and an economy that is widening the gap between rich and poor.
It was Hong Kong’s largest anti-government demonstration in eight years. Many of the protesters carried old colonial flags from Hong Kong’s past.
“Instead of progressing, Hong Kong is regressing, in everything … the economy, people’s livelihoods and politics,” said marcher Lydia Ma, who was taking part in a protest for the first time since 2003.
Earlier, during Mr. Hu’s visit, a local journalist was whisked away and interrogated by Hong Kong police, after he attempted to ask the Chinese leader about the June 4, 1989 killings in Tiananmen Square.
And a guest at the swearing in of Hong Kong’s new chief executive Leung Chun-ying was unceremoniously bundled out of the hall by half a dozen Chinese security police for shouting pro-democracy slogans.
Outbursts such as the latter two incidents are not that uncommon in a pocket of China where guaranteed rights of free expression occasionally bump up against security concerns from the mainland.
What appears to be a deep-seated souring of the public mood, however, is new.
Hong Kong was China’s great experiment, voluntarily handed back by Britain only after patriarchal leader Deng Xiaoping promised “one country, two systems,” meaning the colony could retain its way of life under Chinese rule.
Despite a wave of initial apprehension that led to a large exodus of fearful residents, China kept its word. Non-government newspapers continued to publish, protests were tolerated, members of the Falun Gong, heavily persecuted in China, were left alone, and most importantly, the economy flourished.
But China has kept control of the levers of power. The territory’s chief executive is chosen by a business-oriented panel dominated by pro-Beijing appointees, while voters are able to elect only half of the 70 seats in the Legislative Council.
The most recent contest that chose Mr. Leung as Hong Kong’s boss was tainted by charges that both he and his chief rival had ignored property laws while amassing great wealth.
Now, the clamour for more democracy from Hong Kong’s seven million citizens is growing louder, as a stuttering economy no long delivers the same goods.
The divide between rich and poor, already the worst in Asia, has risen even more, to its widest level since 1971, while housing prices have soared to record heights.
“The middle class faces pressure just to make ends meet,” said protester Gavin Chan, a public-school teacher, who took his wife and four-year old daughter to the hours-long demonstration.
The fact that there is no way to vote leaders out of office only adds to resentment.
“All the issues are connected,” said 26-year-old marcher Iris Wong. “If we had a political system that was not dominated by a few wealthy people, we could begin to address economic problems.”
As Hong Kong’s third chief executive, Mr. Leung, a millionaire property consultant, faces a difficult task. He must respond to the growing anger in the streets, while ensuring that his political masters in Beijing do not become overly nervous.
In his inauguration address, Mr. Leung showed, at least, that he was aware of the challenges ahead.
He pledged to tackle the plight of the poor, provide more housing, and promote democracy, while maintaining stability.
“I believe that we can resolve the conflicts that exist in our society and the clashes that may arise from different values or political ideologies,” Mr. Leung said.
Observers noted, however, that the chief executive, with China’s President close by, delivered his speech in Mandarin, rather than the Cantonese spoken by most of the people he will be governing.
It was a clear sign of his ultimate allegiance.
Original Article
Source: the globe and mail
Author: Rod Mickleburgh
Despite lavish pomp and ceremony, anniversary celebrations of the July 1 handover were marred by numerous reminders that the people of Hong Kong are increasingly edgy over relations with their mainland Chinese overseers.
The unease is accompanied by an upswing of nostalgia for the days of relatively benign British rule, when capitalism and human rights were wide open, before the colony became a special region of the People’s Republic of China.
A recent opinion poll by the University of Hong Kong found public mistrust of the central government in Beijing at its highest level since the Union Jack came down and the five-starred Chinese flag went up in 1997.
On Sunday, shortly after President Hu Jintao headed home, more than 100,000 citizens underscored surging resistance to the status quo with a massive march through sweltering streets to protest against corruption, lack of democracy and an economy that is widening the gap between rich and poor.
It was Hong Kong’s largest anti-government demonstration in eight years. Many of the protesters carried old colonial flags from Hong Kong’s past.
“Instead of progressing, Hong Kong is regressing, in everything … the economy, people’s livelihoods and politics,” said marcher Lydia Ma, who was taking part in a protest for the first time since 2003.
Earlier, during Mr. Hu’s visit, a local journalist was whisked away and interrogated by Hong Kong police, after he attempted to ask the Chinese leader about the June 4, 1989 killings in Tiananmen Square.
And a guest at the swearing in of Hong Kong’s new chief executive Leung Chun-ying was unceremoniously bundled out of the hall by half a dozen Chinese security police for shouting pro-democracy slogans.
Outbursts such as the latter two incidents are not that uncommon in a pocket of China where guaranteed rights of free expression occasionally bump up against security concerns from the mainland.
What appears to be a deep-seated souring of the public mood, however, is new.
Hong Kong was China’s great experiment, voluntarily handed back by Britain only after patriarchal leader Deng Xiaoping promised “one country, two systems,” meaning the colony could retain its way of life under Chinese rule.
Despite a wave of initial apprehension that led to a large exodus of fearful residents, China kept its word. Non-government newspapers continued to publish, protests were tolerated, members of the Falun Gong, heavily persecuted in China, were left alone, and most importantly, the economy flourished.
But China has kept control of the levers of power. The territory’s chief executive is chosen by a business-oriented panel dominated by pro-Beijing appointees, while voters are able to elect only half of the 70 seats in the Legislative Council.
The most recent contest that chose Mr. Leung as Hong Kong’s boss was tainted by charges that both he and his chief rival had ignored property laws while amassing great wealth.
Now, the clamour for more democracy from Hong Kong’s seven million citizens is growing louder, as a stuttering economy no long delivers the same goods.
The divide between rich and poor, already the worst in Asia, has risen even more, to its widest level since 1971, while housing prices have soared to record heights.
“The middle class faces pressure just to make ends meet,” said protester Gavin Chan, a public-school teacher, who took his wife and four-year old daughter to the hours-long demonstration.
The fact that there is no way to vote leaders out of office only adds to resentment.
“All the issues are connected,” said 26-year-old marcher Iris Wong. “If we had a political system that was not dominated by a few wealthy people, we could begin to address economic problems.”
As Hong Kong’s third chief executive, Mr. Leung, a millionaire property consultant, faces a difficult task. He must respond to the growing anger in the streets, while ensuring that his political masters in Beijing do not become overly nervous.
In his inauguration address, Mr. Leung showed, at least, that he was aware of the challenges ahead.
He pledged to tackle the plight of the poor, provide more housing, and promote democracy, while maintaining stability.
“I believe that we can resolve the conflicts that exist in our society and the clashes that may arise from different values or political ideologies,” Mr. Leung said.
Observers noted, however, that the chief executive, with China’s President close by, delivered his speech in Mandarin, rather than the Cantonese spoken by most of the people he will be governing.
It was a clear sign of his ultimate allegiance.
Original Article
Source: the globe and mail
Author: Rod Mickleburgh
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