A new kind of social media-savvy, youthful, native, rank-and-file leadership is emerging and it feels duped by Harper’s approach with his government’s fast-tracked legislative enactments and the government’s coordinated drive to resurface the look of reserves.
The self-labelled Idle No More network is set on doing more than beating drums at shopping centres and blocking highways and rail lines. They want to challenge the new legal and regulatory framework being created “for” aboriginal economies that could still leave many of them behind. And that means many of them will still be left behind with health, education, and income disparities, diminishing cultural choices, and an increasingly degraded environment.
Talking points from the federal department of Aboriginal Affairs and Northern Development Canada (AANDC) call the Harper government’s plan of action one of “addressing regulatory gaps and legislative barriers that impede First Nations economic development,” according to documents released under access to information.
Between speeding up resource development approvals in contrast to the slow progress on land-claim settlements, and between restricting and weakening many environmental protection measures and accelerating a new First Nations land management regime, the Idle No More movement may gain staying power and make a bid for a more novel kind of native leadership.
There are those reserves though, as the AANDC access records note, that are signing on to the regime of what is called “a process that will lead to greater self-reliance and economic development opportunities.” Some too are positive about the opt-in “possibility of private ownership on reserve[s].”
One review of the economic impacts that could come from the First Nations Property Ownership Act initiative foresees billions in benefits over the next 15 years with increased real estate benefits, new employment, increased residential housing, increased property tax and sales revenues, increased infrastructure, and reduced poverty. The study assumes that First Nations would have to become more “investor-friendly governance systems,” adopt the new proposed lands title system, and buy into joining in the economic success stories of a few but growing number of reserves.
However, it is not the current native leaders who have called the regulatory resource approval process “lengthy and unpredictable,” a “burden,” and see “unsettled land-claim agreements slowing development.” Those access records note that it is “Industry [who] is looking for government to initiate immediate concrete action on regulatory improvement.”
The government agreed there is “a pressing need to address barriers in the Indian Act and replace outdated regulations that impede economic development and investment, particularly on reserves.” In moving ahead, not much recognition is given to the land registration regimes or economic or environmental project work currently being carried out under the aboriginal leadership of some reserves.
The federal Conservative government’s legislative agenda, reputedly for aboriginal economic prosperity, has included omnibus budget bills and various other federal measures and involved convincing provincial and territorial governments to take parallel actions. It also means getting changes underway in boards and review processes. A commissioned study by Lang Michener, using British Columbia as the case model, undertook to review the complexities of the legal, constitutional, and jurisdictional challenges.
Behind legislative and regulatory enactments lie a coordinating administrative push and piles of monies. For instance, in Northern Canada, $50-million were allocated in the 2009 federal budget to establish a new regional economic development agency for the North. The administrative process started as far back as 2007 when consultants, such as Neil McCrank, were hired to review and promote Northern regulatory changes and help lead the drive in what was called a Northern Regulatory Initiative.
Up North, discussions about major resource projects have, since 2010, been largely held in private, including closed federal-territorial meetings where aboriginal participation is limited to some “cases.” And according to Canadian Northern Economic Development Agency access records, aboriginal participation “is limited due to capacity and resourcing constraints.”
The administrative coordinating office, the Northern Projects Management Office, mimics the many secret Southern Canadian meetings coordinated out of the Major Projects Management Office of Natural Resources Canada. There, resource projects are being pushed forward, some of which are near claimed native lands and reserves or near enough to affect native lands, air, and water. The National Energy Board is one partner both up North and in the South.
One key part of the overall federal aboriginal change strategy was giving the First Nations Tax Commission a substantial budget to facilitate tax and property changes. Chief Commissioner Manny Jules has been the commission’s vocal head pushing a First Nations property ownership initiative. Jules has combatively argued against viewpoints being held by many First Nations leaders opposed to property changes on reserves.
According to AANDC access records, the Tax Commission’s proposed changes must be “perceived” by the provinces as coming from and being a First Nations initiative. Key endorsements on the property initiative include Tory-connected academic Tom Flanagan whose book, entitled Beyond the Indian Act: Restoring Aboriginal Property Rights, has a foreword by Manny Jules. Mr. Flanagan wrote the book with Christopher Alcantara, and André Le Dressay.
There is an ongoing intense multi-front “modernization” push in place reputedly facilitating aboriginal and reserve future economic prosperity by a government whose overall economic action plans and public-private sector partnerships are not exactly all up front.
The emerging grassroots Idle No More network across Canada has awoken to the way the Harper government has been operating when it comes to planning the future of aboriginals’ prospects and finds it too secretive, paternal, and underhanded.
The Idle No More network, it appears, sees existing native leaders being sidestepped, treated as mere stakeholders, and operating at times with too much secrecy. They want to show the general public their deep frustrations with the federal Conservative government power structure that is intent on changing a culture not this time via residential schools but via private enterprise, starting right on reserves.
The Idle No More may indeed help undo traditional government “public consultations” and lead the way to real public participation, discussions, and debate for a more equally shared prosperity. Meetings between PM Harper and the Assembly of First Nations may only serve Harper driving his aboriginal modernization agenda even harder.
It remains to be seen if Idle No More is a temporary grassroots flash in the pan, and extra stakeholder group, or the starting force in 2013 driving a new deal for transparency, accountability, and justice.
Original Article
Source: hill times
Author: KEN RUBIN
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